Greece
Country Overview
Greece shows medium levels of risk of media capture across all three dimensions, especially in the media ecosystem one, particularly regarding independence, professionalism and credibility.
The Greek media market is featured by a fragmented digital environment, a high level of news consumption through social media, and an extremely low level of trust in news, especially of the legacy media. Local and regional news outlets are trusted more compared to legacy news outlets. These features are largely linked to concerns about excessive influence from politicians and powerful business actors: in fact, most media outlets are owned by a small number of entrepreneurs who are also active in other regulated industries. Moreover, a small number of large private media groups operate alongside hundreds of smaller news outlets, resulting in a fragmented media landscape. Several of these owners have strong links to political leaders, which helps explain the high level of risk related to independence of the press. To this extent, the practice of journalists entering politics further reinforces such connections. Media owners commonly have links to the banking sector or ownership of sports clubs, often combined with sports media outlets. In recent years, new companies entering the market have also acquired media assets as part of larger acquisition deals. In this context, major Greek media outlets tend to promote specific narratives or support political parties, rather than fully performing their role in public interest journalism and holding power to account. Nonetheless, the legal framework is improving. In fact, the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) entered into force on 8 August 2025, and Greece enacted Law 5253/2025 (Government Gazette / FEK A’ 212/25.11.2025) to implement it, including provisions relating to public service media.
Lower levels of risk are shown in Greek political and societal dimensions. From an historical perspective, following World War II, Greece experienced a period of democratic reforms, interrupted by seven years of dictatorship, known as the “dictatorship of the colonels”. Democracy re-established in 1974, but political upheavals and troubled political history have inevitably shaped the media system. The close relationship between the political system and the media is not a recent development but has been present since the inception of the modern Greek State. Over time, this interconnectedness has been reinforced by the legacy of authoritarianism and the persistence of influential political and economic elites, leading many media outlets to align with political actors in order to secure protection and access to economic resources. The result has been a media ecosystem that developed in close connection with the political sphere, incorporating its divisions and alignments. This pattern persists today and is further reinforced by the close ties between major media outlets and conglomerates active in sectors such as shipping, energy, real estate, and sports, raising significant concerns regarding the integrity and independence of the media system.
In recent years, the Greek political landscape has been marked by a decline in support for left-wing forces in favor of liberal-conservative parties, as evidenced by the significant electoral defeats in 2019 and 2023. At the same time, there has been a gradual weakening of the traditional left-right divide, with the development and the rapid disappearance of new political formations while economic issues remain central to voters’ choices. The debt crisis has left lasting consequences: despite recent economic recovery, political participation and the level of democracy show medium levels of risk scores. Moreover, between 2019 and 2024, declines have been recorded in indicators related to civil liberties, access to justice, as well as in parliamentary effectiveness, and in the perceived absence of corruption. In general, these events reinforce a key feature of the Greek landscape, historically characterized by low trust in institutions. In fact, according to our analysis, Greece exhibits the highest levels of risk among all the countries considered.
Corruption and concerns over judicial independence have further intensified public dissatisfaction. Notable cases, including scandals involving government wiretapping and strategic litigation aimed at limiting public participation, have raised significant concerns regarding the rule of law and freedom of expression.
In conclusion, although the political and societal dimensions show comparatively lower levels of risk, they nonetheless reveal important structural pressures. These patterns continue to influence contemporary dynamics: the Greek case illustrates how medium risks of media capture emerge from the interaction between structural media market weaknesses and broader institutional challenges.
